Hamas faces growing public dissent as Gaza war erodes support

The man in the video is mentally disturbed, with a painful expression on his bloody face.

“I’m an academic doctor,” he said, “and I live a good life, but our lives are filthy.” [Hamas] lead. They are used to our bloodshed, God curse them! They are scum!

The footage, unthinkable before the Gaza war, was filmed outside a hospital where hundreds of Palestinians were killed or injured last month during an Israeli operation to rescue hostages from central Gaza.

WARNING: GRAPHIC IMAGES

Seconds before the film ends, he turns to the crowd.

“I’m one of you,” he said, “but you’re a cowardly bunch. We could have avoided this attack!”

The video quickly became a hit. And it’s not the only one.

Public criticism of Hamas is growing on the streets of Gaza and online.

Some have publicly criticized Hamas for hiding hostages in apartments near busy markets or firing rockets from civilian areas.

Residents told the BBC that curses and curses directed at Hamas leadership are now common in the market, with some donkey cart drivers even nicknamed their animals after Gaza’s Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar. While shouting “hurry the donkey forward”.

“People would say, ‘Hamas destroyed us,’ and even pray to God to end their lives,” one man said.

“They asked what the October 7 attack was for – some said it was a gift to Israel.”

Some are even urging their leaders to reach a ceasefire with Israel.

There are still some in Gaza who are fiercely loyal to Hamas, and it is difficult to know to what extent the group has lost support after years of repressive control, or to what extent existing opponents feel more able to speak out. My own opinion.

But a few months ago, a senior Hamas official privately admitted to the BBC that they had lost support because of the war.

Even some of the group’s own employees are shaken.

A senior Hamas government employee told the BBC that Hamas’ attack was “a crazy, uncalculated leap”.

He asked us to conceal his identity.

“What I know from working with the Hamas government is that they were well prepared militarily for the attacks but neglected the home front,” he said.

“They have not built any safe shelters for people, nor have they stocked up on enough food, fuel and medical supplies. If my family and I survive this war, I will leave Gaza at the first opportunity.

There was opposition to Hamas long before the war, but much remained hidden for fear of reprisals.

In the last Palestinian elections in 2006, Gazans voted for Hamas in 15 of the territory’s 24 seats in party-list voting – in the other nine areas, voters chose a different party.

A year later, Hamas violently expelled Palestinian Authority forces from Gaza, creating a deep rift with the rival Fatah movement and taking over rule of the entire Gaza Strip.

Political activist Ameen Abed said he had been arrested several times for speaking out against Hamas before the war, but said nine months on, dissent there had become increasingly universal.

“In Gaza, most people criticize what Hamas is doing,” he said.

“They see children living in tents and insulting their leaders has become routine. But it has huge support from people beyond the Gaza border, sitting in the comfort of their homes in the air conditioning, who have not lost their children, their families, their The future, a leg.

Despair and war are eroding Gaza’s social fabric, and Hamas’ control is no longer what it once was.

Four-fifths of Gaza’s population are displaced, often moving between makeshift shelters.

Law and order has broken down in some places, in part because of Israeli policies targeting Gaza’s security forces — not just Hamas’s official internal security unit, but also neighborhood police responsible for street crime.

As control has weakened, criminal gangs have flourished, robbing communities and aid convoys; private security companies – some run by powerful local families – have emerged.

A worker for an aid group in Gaza described “absolute chaos in the streets” and “anarchy” and said Israeli policies had led to a complete breakdown of order among civilians.

Israel’s prime minister has repeatedly vowed to continue the war until Hamas’s military and governance capabilities are destroyed.

But some aid agencies in northern and southern Gaza also report that local Hamas officials regularly inspect their activities, and frequently circulated videos show unofficial Hamas security forces shooting and beating those who loot.

Hamas killed dozens of people in a bloody reckoning with other local groups after Israeli troops withdrew from an area, a source told the BBC.

Fear of criticizing leaders in Gaza may have lessened, but it has not gone away, so it remains difficult to gauge exactly how much support for the group has changed beyond personal testimony.

Some, like 26-year-old Jihad Talab, remain strong supporters of Hamas.

He, who was displaced from Gaza City’s Zeitoun district with his wife, daughter and mother and now takes refuge in Deir al-Balah, said the group was not responsible for their suffering.

“We must support [Hamas] Because it’s the people on the ground who understand this fight, not you or me,” he said. “Empty accusations only serve the profession [Israel]. We will support it until our last breath.

A regular poll by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, a West Bank think tank, said a majority of people in Gaza still blame Israel and its allies rather than Hamas for the war.

The latest survey in June showed that nearly two-thirds of Gaza respondents were satisfied with Hamas – up 12 percentage points from December – and suggested that only about half compared with any other choice. People still want Hamas to run Gaza after the war ends.

Glimpses through the cracks around the media blackout in Gaza will never allow for a full assessment of the situation. Israel and Egypt have banned international journalists from directly reporting on the situation on the ground.

What is clear is that Hamas remains highly sensitive to public opinion.

Strikingly similar messages often appear on certain social media platforms to justify their actions, often in apparent response to domestic criticism.

A source familiar with Hamas told the BBC there is an organized international network coordinating the group’s social media messaging.

On October 7, an Israeli family released a video showing the moment female soldiers were abducted by Hamas forces, prompting some in Gaza to question whether targeting women during the war is Islamic.

In response, several pro-Hamas social media accounts posted similar messages, insisting that the soldiers – both men and women – were legitimate military targets and saying the force had been involved in demonstrations six years ago. Involved in the shooting of Gaza protesters.

Criticism of Hamas has become increasingly sharp, and longstanding divisions over Hamas’ rule in Gaza have become increasingly clear.

Amid the devastation left by Israel’s battle with Hamas, a new war is emerging: a battle for control of public opinion within Gaza.