Ana Isabel Martinez
MEXICO CITY (Reuters) – At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Mexico City’s then-mayor Claudia Sheinbaum emphasized wearing a mask at all times and strongly encouraged others to do the same Do, because the virus is destroying Mexico.
In contrast, her political patron, President Andres Manuel López Obrador, refused to wear a mask even after falling ill, in line with government guidelines not to mandate their use. Mexico has the fifth-highest COVID-19 death toll in the world.
This difference between the president and Sheinbaum, the favorite to win Mexico’s June 2 presidential election, is seen by some as a source of tension and a small rebellion against her mentor. By law, Sheinbaum cannot run for re-election. Sheinbaum denied this and said the two men were part of the same “plan” to transform the country.
But people close to Scheinbaum cited the anecdote as an example that the former scientist will not govern as a “puppet” of Lopez Obrador, as her political opponents claim. .
Instead, they say, she will turn to key issues such as the environment and energy, security and even corruption, while maintaining the president’s largely state-led economic vision and key welfare programs.
“It’s a collaborative relationship, not a submissive relationship,” said a member of Scheinbaum’s team who spoke on condition of anonymity.
“They say she will be a figurehead, which is very unfair because in the five years she ran Mexico City she did completely different things than the president,” he added, citing concerns about electric bus and train routes. Investment and installation of solar panels.
Sheinbaum ran a cautious campaign, careful not to criticize Lopez Obrador, the massive and polarizing figure who was both her mentor and the source of much of her electoral support.
The lack of detail in her government plans also plays into her favor among Mexico’s middle class and business communities, who tend to pin their hopes on a more moderate, pragmatic leader.
The extent to which she will depart from the policies of López Obrador, who has largely excluded private companies from key economic sectors such as power generation, is one of the key issues in the election. , this issue has attracted close attention from investors.
balancing techniques
Analysts say Scheinbaum faces a delicate balance between balancing his own policy goals and preserving the legacy of Lopez Obrador, who has dominated the ruling Mozambican government. Reina has considerable influence in the party.
Politician, academic and former congressman Agustin Basave said: “If she wins, she will be torn between true loyalty to López Obrador and not having her own politics without his power. internal struggle between the realities of capital.
“The first few years of her government are likely to be limited,” Bassaf added, saying Lopez Obrador would likely exert influence behind the scenes rather than in public.
In a clue to López Obrador’s continued influence, Sheinbaum said several of his top officials would remain in office if she took over, including Finance Minister Rogelio Ramirez de Rao.
Two sources close to Scheinbaum’s camp said López Obrador’s former foreign minister Marcelo Ebrard and current security minister Rosa Rodriguez may remain key figures. Analysts note that Interior Minister Luisa Alcalde and Economy Minister Raquel Buenrostro also remain important.
Analysts say another hint of what López Obrador wants from the Sheinbaum administration is the ambitious constitutional reforms he proposed in February but which he knew were unlikely to be implemented during his term. Little chance of getting through. Analysts say they are a blueprint for her administration.
Meanwhile, Sheinbaum ruled out speculation that there would be a “red phone” to receive instructions from Lopez Obrador.
“I’m the one who’s going to govern,” she said.
