Mr Gantz joined the government last October to foster a sense of solidarity in times of crisis. He has joined forces with political rival Mr Netanyahu despite a severe lack of trust and a history of betrayal between the two men. The last time Gantz entered government with Mr Netanyahu in 2020 also ended badly after Mr Netanyahu breached their power-sharing agreement.
The influence of Gantz and Eisenkot, whose son, a soldier, was killed in fighting in Gaza in December, has waned in recent months, leading many Israelis to question why they did not leave the emergency earlier. government and join the opposition. Mr Gantz has called for snap elections this fall.
Netanyahu’s official partner in the war cabinet is his Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, a rival within the conservative Likud party whom Netanyahu tried to Fire him. There is also Ron Dermer, a seasoned Netanyahu confidant with more diplomatic experience than political experience. It is unclear whether the war cabinet will continue to function.
A separate and broader security cabinet includes two ultranationalist party leaders: National Security Minister Itamar Bengvir and Finance Minister Bezale Smotrich. Both sides want to allow Israelis to resettle Gaza.
Both Mr Ben-Gweil and Mr Smotrich have vowed to topple Mr Netanyahu if he proceeds with an Israeli proposal for a deal involving a truce and a hostage exchange for Palestinian prisoners. Mr. Biden’s administration, as President Biden outlined in his statement.
Analysts say Netanyahu’s government now faces at least two potentially destabilizing challenges.
The first is the prospect of a deal with Hamas. Israeli and U.S. officials said they were awaiting a formal response from Hamas to the truce proposal. A positive response is likely to force Mr Netanyahu to stop obfuscation and choose between a deal and the government’s survival.
Another challenge is the polarizing issue of a mass exemption from military service for ultra-Orthodox men attending religious seminaries.
The ultra-Orthodox exemption has long been a divisive issue in Israeli society, but tolerance of the decades-old policy in a country where most 18-year-olds are drafted into several years of compulsory military service has gradually waned, especially in Israeli society. As the campaign enters its ninth month, experts say, this group of reservists finds themselves repeatedly recalled to Gaza for long-term service, with no clear plan where to go.
On Monday night or early Tuesday, the Knesset is expected to vote on a recruitment bill that would essentially keep the ultra-Orthodox exemption system intact. While Mr Netanyahu pushed for the move to appease his ultra-Orthodox coalition partners, even some members of his conservative Likud party – including Defense Minister Mr Galante – opposed it initiatives, especially during wars when the country needs more soldiers.
Plessner said Netanyahu found himself in a difficult position when it came to recruitment. “There is an inherent conflict between his own political base and his most prized alliance with the ultra-Orthodox parties,” he added.
If passed on first reading, the bill will be referred to committee before a second and third final vote. But Mr Plessner said even if the bill failed to pass, it would not necessarily herald the dissolution of Parliament or the collapse of the government.
Netanyahu’s critics accuse him of dragging out the war to delay elections and a public reckoning with government and military failures that led to the Oct. 7 attack.
In his resignation speech on Sunday, Gantz mocked Netanyahu’s declared war goal of “absolute victory” against Hamas, which many experts consider a vague and unattainable concept. The speech stated that “real victory” would be a victory that combined military success and diplomatic initiatives.
“Real victory,” he said, means “changing national priorities, expanding who we serve and who we serve, and ensuring that Israel can meet the challenges it faces.”
“Unfortunately, Netanyahu is preventing us from achieving real victory,” he added.
